The conflict of the 14th of September, 1862, is called at the North
the battle of South Mountain, and at the South the battle of Boonsboro. So
many battle-fields of the Civil War bear double names that we cannot
believe the duplication has been accidental. It is the unusual which
impresses. The troops of the North came mainly from cities, towns, and
villages, and were, therefore, impressed by some natural object near the
scene of the conflict and named the battle from it. The soldiers from the
South were chiefly from the country and were, therefore, impressed by some
artificial object near the field of action. In one section the naming has
been after the handiwork of God; in the other section it has been after
the handiwork of man. Thus, the first passage of arms is called the battle
of Bull Run at the North,---the name of a little stream. At the South it
takes the name of Manassas, from a railroad station. The second battle on
the same ground is called the Second Bull Run by the North, and the Second
Manassas by the South. Stone's defeat is the battle of Ball's Bluff With
the Federals, and the battle of Leesburg with the Confederates. The battle
called by General Grant, Pittsburg Landing, a natural object, was named
Shiloh, after a church, by his antagonist. Rosecrans called his first
great fight with Bragg, the battle of Stone River, while Bragg named it
after Murfreesboro', a village. So McClellan's battle of the Chickahominy,
(Gaines Mill) a little river, was with Lee the battle of Cold Harbor, a
tavern. The Federals speak of the battle of Pea Ridge, of the Ozark range
of mountains, and the Confederates call it after Elk Horn, a country inn.
The Union soldiers called the bloody battle three days after South
Mountain from the little stream, Antietam, and the Southern troops named
it after the village of Sharpsburg. Many instances might be given of this
double naming by the opposing forces. According to the same law of the
unusual, the war-songs of a people have generally been written s. The
bards who followed the banners of the feudal lords, sang of their
exploits, and stimulated them and their retainers to deeds of high
emprise, wore no armor and carried no swords. So, too, the impassioned
orators, who roused our ancestors in 1776 with the thrilling cry, "Liberty
or Death," never once put themselves in the way of a death by lead or
steel, by musket-ball or bayonet stab. The noisy speakers of 1861, who
fired the Northern heart and who fired the Southern heart, never did any
other kind of firing.
The battle of South Mountain was one of extraordinary illusions
and delusions. The Federals were under the self-imposed illusion that
there was a very large force opposed to them, whereas there was only one
weak division until late in the afternoon. They might have brushed it
aside almost without halting, but for this illusion. It was a battle of
delusions also, for, by moving about from point to point and meeting the
foe wherever he presented himself, the Confederates deluded the Federals
into the belief that the whole mountain was swarming with rebels. I will
endeavor to explain the singular features of the battle and what caused
them.
In the retirement of Lee's army from Frederick to Hagerstown and
Boonsboro', my division constituted the rear-guard. It consisted of five
brigades (Wise's brigade being left behind), and after the arrival at
Boonsboro' was intrusted with guarding the wagon trains and parks of
artillery belonging to the whole army. Longstreet's corps went to
Hagerstown, thirteen miles from Boonsboro', and I was directed to
distribute my five brigades so as not only to protect the wagons and guns,
but also to watch all the roads leading from Harper's Ferry, in order to
intercept the Federal forces that might make their escape before Jackson
had completed the investment of that place. It required a considerable
separation of my small command to accomplish these two objects, and my
tent, which was pitched about the center of the five brigades, was not
less than three miles from Turner's Gap on the National road crossing
South Mountain.
During the forenoon of the 13th General Stuart, who was in an
advance position at the gap in the Catoctin Mountain, east of Middletown,
with our cavalry, sent a dispatch to me saying that he was followed by two
brigades of Federal infantry, and asking me to send him a brigade to check
the pursuit at South Mountain. I sent him the brigades of Colquitt and
Garland, and the batteries of Bondurant and Lane, with four guns each.
Pleasonton's Federal cavalry division came up to the mountain and pressed
on till our infantry forces were displayed, when it returned without
fighting. The Confederates, half of Lee's army at Harper's Ferry, distant
a march of two days, and with the remainder divided into two parts,
thirteen miles from each other, were in good condition to be beaten in
detail, scattered and captured. General Longstreet writes to me that he
urged General Lee in the evening of the 13th to unite at Sharpsburg the
troops which were then at Hagerstown and Boonsboro'. He said that he could
effect more with one-third of his own corps, fresh and rested, than with
the whole of it, when exhausted by a forced march to join their comrades.
That night, finding that he could not rest, General Longstreet rose and
wrote to his commander, presenting his views once more, favoring the
abandonment of the defense of the mountain except by Stuart and the
concentration at Sharpsburg.
I received a note about midnight of the 13th from General Lee
saying that he was not satisfied with the condition of things on the
turnpike or National road, and directing me to go in person to Turner's
Gap the next morning and assist Stuart in its defense. In his official
report General Lee says:
"Learning that Harper's Ferry had not surrendered and that the
enemy was advancing more rapidly than was convenient from Fredericton, I
determined to return with Longstreet's command to the Blue Ridge to
strengthen D. H. Hill's and Stuart's divisions engaged in holding the
passes of the mountains, lest the enemy should fall upon Claws's rear,
drive him from the Maryland Heights, and thus relieve the garrison at
Harper's Ferry."
This report and the note to me show that General Lee expected
General Stuart to remain and help defend the pass on the 14th. But on
reaching the Mountain House between daylight and sunrise that morning, I
received a message from Stuart that he had gone to Crampton's Gap. He was
too gallant a soldier to leave his post when a battle was imminent, and
doubtless he believed that there was but a small Federal force on the
National road. I found Garland's brigade at the Mountain House and
learned that Colquitt's was at the foot of the mountain on the east side.
I found General Colquitt there without vedettes and without information of
the Federals, but believing that they had retired. General Cox's Federal
division was at that very time marching up the old Sharpsburg or
Braddock's road, a mile to the south, seizing the heights on our right and
establishing those heavy batteries which afterward commanded the pike and
all the approaches to it. General Pleasonton, of the Federal cavalry, had
learned the ground by the reconnaissance of the day before, and to him was
intrusted the posting of the advance troops of Reno's corps on the south
side of the pike. He says:
"I directed Scammon's brigade to move up the mountain on the left-hand
road, gain the crest, and then move to the right, to the turnpike in the
enemy's rear. At the same time I placed Gibson's battery and the heavy
batteries in position to the left, covering the road on that side and
obtaining a direct fire on the enemy's position in the gap."
This shows that Pleasonton knew that the Confederate forces were at the
foot of the mountain. However, I brought Colquitt's brigade back to a
point near the summit and placed the 23d and 28th Georgia regiments on the
north side of the pike behind a stone-wall, which afforded an excellent
fire upon the pike. The other three regiments, the 6th and 27th Georgia
and the 13th Alabama, were posted on the south side of the pike, a little
in advance of the wall and well protected by a dense wood. This brigade
did not lose an inch of ground that day. The skirmishers were driven in,
but the line of battle on both sides of the road was the same at 10
o'clock at night as it was at 9 o'clock in the morning. After posting
Colquitt's brigade I went with Major Ratchford of my staff on a
reconnaissance to our right. About three-fourths of a mile from the
Mountain House we discovered, by the voices of command and the rumbling of
wheels, that the old road and heights above it were occupied, and took it
for granted that the occupation was by Federal troops. We did not see
them, and I suppose we were not seen by them. Colonel T. L. Rosser of the
cavalry had been sent that morning with his regiment and Pelham's
artillery, by order of General Stuart, to seize Fox's Gap on the Braddock
road. Cox had got to the heights first and confronted Rosser with a
portion of his command, while the remainder of it could be plainly seen at
the foot of the mountain. General Rosser writes to me that he reported the
situation of things to Stuart, who was passing by on the east side of the
mountain on his way south. He, Rosser, was not directed to report to me,
and I did not suspect his presence. I do not know to this hour whether
Ratchford and myself came near stumbling upon him or upon the enemy.
Returning through the woods we came upon a cabin, the owner of
which was in the yard, surrounded by his children, and evidently expectant
of something. The morning being cool, Ratchford was wearing a blue cloak
which he had found at Seven Pines. In questioning the mountaineer about
the roads I discovered that he thought we were Federals.
"The road on which your battery is'" said the valley road near the
church." This satisfied me that the enemy was on our right, and I asked
him: "Are there any rebels on the pike?' "Yes; there are some about the
Mountain House." I asked: "Are there many ?" "Well, there are several; I
don't know how many." "Who is in command?" "I don't know."
Just then a shell came hurtling through the woods, and a little
girl began crying. Having a little one at home of about the same age, I
could not forbear stopping a moment to say a few soothing words to the
frightened child, before hurrying off to the work of death.
The firing had aroused that prompt and gallant soldier, General
Garland, and his men were under arms when I reached the pike. I explained
the situation briefly to him, directed him to sweep through the woods,
reach the road, and hold it at all hazards, as the safety of Lee's large
train depended upon its being held. He went off in high spirits and I
never saw him again. I never knew a truer, better, braver man. Had he
lived, his talents, pluck, energy, and purity of character must have put
him in the front rank of his profession, whether in civil or military
life.
After passing through the first belt of woods Garland found
Rosser, and, conferring with him, determined to make his stand close to
the junction of the roads, near the summit of the mountain (Fox's Gap). He
had With him five regiments of infantry and Bondurant's battery of
artillery---his infantry force being a little less than one thousand men,
all North Carolinians. The 5th regiment was placed on the right of the
road, With the 12th as its support; the 23d was posted behind a low
stone-wall on the left of the 5th; then came the 20th and 13th. From the
nature of the ground and the duty to be performed, the regiments were not
in contact With each other, and the 13th was 250 yards to the left of the
20th. Fifty skirmishers of the 5th North Carolina soon encountered the 23d
Ohio, deployed as skirmishers under Lieutenant-Colonel R. B. Hayes,
afterward President of the United States, and the action began at 9 A. M.
between Cox's division and Garland's brigade.
I will delay an account of the fight to give the strength of the
forces engaged. The Ninth Corps (Reno's) consisted of four divisions under
Cox, Willcox, Sturgis, and Rodman; or eight brigades---Scammon and Crook
(Cox); Christ and Welsh (Willcox); Nagle and Ferrero (Sturgis); and
Fairchild and Harland (Rodman). It had 29 regiments of infantry, 3
companies of cavalry, and 8 batteries of artillery, 3 of them United
States batteries of regulars under Benjamin, Clark, and Muhlenberg. (1)
General Cox, who fought Garland, had six Ohio regiments under
Brigadiers Scammon and Crook, and also the batteries of McMullin and
Simmonds, and three companies of cavalry. The heavy batteries in position
(20-pounder Parrotts) were of service to him also' in commanding the
approaches to the scene of the conflict. The strength of the division is
not even directly, but Scammon estimates his effectives at 1455. The other
brigade was most likely equally strong, and I conclude that Cox's
infantry, artillery, and cavalry reached three thousand. Garland's
brigade is estimated at "scarce a thousand."
Scammon's brigade led the attack with great spirit. The 13th North
Carolina, under Lieutenant-Colonel Ruffin, and the 20th, under Colonel
Alfred Iverson, were furiously assailed on the left. Both regiments were
under tried and true soldiers, and they received the assault calmly.
Lieutenant Crome, of McMullin's battery, ran up a section of artillery by
hand, and opened with effect upon the 20th North Carolina; but the
skirmishers under Captain Atwell of that regiment killed the gallant
officer while he was himself serving as a gunner. The section was
abandoned, but the Confederates were unable to capture it. The effort
seemed to be to turn the 13th; and Colonel Ruffin in vain urged General
Garland to go to the other part of his line. But with Garland the post of
danger was the post of honor. Judge Ruffin, in a recent letter to me, thus
speaks of the fall of the hero:
"I said to him: 'General, why do you stay here ? you are in great
danger.'
"To which he replied: 'I may as well be here as yourself.'
(1) According to General Cox, until the arrival of Wilcox with his
division, about 2 o'clock, Cox's division and a portion of Pleasonton's
cavalry were the only Union troops on the field. Sturgis arrived on the
field about 3: 30.---EDITORS.
"I said: 'No, it is my duty to be here with my regiment, but you
could better superintend your brigade from a safer position.'
"Just then I was shot in the hip, and as there was no
field-officer then with the regiment, other than myself, I told him of my
wound, and that it might disable me, and in that case I wished a
field-officer to take my place. He turned and gave some order, which I
have forgotten. In a moment I heard a groan, and looked and found him
mortally wounded and writhing in pain. We continued to occupy this
position for some time, when I sent my adjutant to the right to see what
was going on was the furious fighting had ceased in that direction). He
returned and reported that the remainder of the brigade was gone and that
the ground was occupied by the enemy. I then attempted to go to the left,
hoping to come in contact with some portion of your command, but was again
confronted by the enemy. I next tried to retreat to the rear, but to my
dismay found myself entirely surrounded. The enemy in front was pressing
us' and I saw but one way out, and that was to charge those in my front,
repel them, if possible, and then, before they could recover, make a dash
at those in my rear and cut my way out. This plan was successfully
executed. I shall never forget the feelings of relief which I experienced
when I first caught sight of you. You rode up to me, and, shaking my hand,
said that you had given us up for lost and did not see how it was possible
for us to have escaped. You then attached us to G. B. Anderson's brigade,
which had come up in the meantime. . . . I remember one remark which you
made just after congratulating me upon cutting my way out that surprised
me very much. You said that you were greatly gratified to find that
McClellan's whole army was in your front. As I knew how small your force
was, I could not understand how it could be a source of pleasure to you to
find yourself assailed by twenty times your number. In a moment you made
it plain to me by saying that you had feat McClellan's attack upon you was
but a feint, and that with his main army he would cross the mountain at
some of the lower gaps and would thus cut in between Jackson's corps and
the forces under Lee."
A little before this I had seen from the lookout station near the
Mountain House the vast army of McClellan spread out before me. The
marching columns extended back far as eye could see in the distance; but
many of the troops had already arrived and were in double lines of battle,
and those advancing were taking up positions as fast as they arrived. It
was a grand and glorious spectacle, and it was impossible to look at it
without admiration. I had never seen so tremendous an army before, and I
did not see one like it afterward. For though we confronted greater forces
at Yorktown, Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, and about Richmond under Grant,
these were only partly seen, at most a corps at a time. But here four
corps were in full view, one of which was on the mountain and almost
within rifle-range. The sight inspired more satisfaction than discomfort;
for though I knew that my little force could be brushed away as readily as
the strong man can brush to one side the wasp or the hornet, I felt that
General McClellan had made a mistake, and I hoped to be able to delay him
until General Longstreet could come up and our trains could be extricated
from their perilous position.
When two distinct roars of artillery were heard south of us that
morning, I thought that the nearer one indicated that McClellan was
forcing his way across some gap north of Harper's Ferry with a view of
cutting Lee's army in two I suppose that Stuart believed that this would
be the movement of the enemy, and for this reason abandoned Turner's Gap
and hastened to what he believed to be the point of danger. McClellan was
too cautious a man for so daring a venture. Had he made it, Jackson could
have escaped across the Potomac, but the force under Lee in person (Longstreet's
corps and my division) must have been caught. My division was very small
and was embarrassed with the wagon trains and artillery of the whole army,
save such as Jackson had taken with him. It must be remembered that the
army now before McClellan had been constantly marching and fighting since
the 25th of June. It had fought McClellan's army from Richmond to the
James, and then had turned about and fought Pope's army, reenforced by
parts of McClellan's, from the Rapidan to the Potomac. The order excusing
barefooted men from marching into Maryland had sent thousands to the rear.
Divisions had become smaller than brigades were when the fighting first
began; brigades had become smaller than regiments' and regiments had
become smaller than companies. (2) Dabney, a careful statistician, in his
"Life of Jackson," estimates Lee's forces at Sharpsburg (Antietam) at
33,000 men, including the three arms of service. (3) Three of Longstreet's
twelve brigades had gone to Harper's Ferry with Jackson. He (Longstreet)
puts the strength of his nine brigades at Hagerstown on 14th of September
at thirteen thousand men. Accepting the correctness of his estimate for
the present (though I expect to prove it to be too large), I find that Lee
had under his immediate command that morning but eighteen thousand men.
McClellan gives his force at Sharpsburg at 87,164, Had he made the
movement which Stuart and myself thought he was making, it was hardly
possible for the little force under Lee in person to have escaped,
encumbered as it was With wagon trains and reserve artillery. Forming his
infantry into a solid column of attack, Lee might have cut a way through
the five-fold force of his antagonist, but all the trains must have been
lost,---an irreparable loss to the South. Frederick the Great's campaign
against the allies
(2) Thus the 18th Virginia Regiment (p. 899, Vol. XIX., of the "Official
Records") is put at 120 men; 56th Virginia Regiment at SO; 8th Virginia at
34; Hampton Legion (p. 931) at 77; 17th South Carolina Regiment at 59 (p.
946).---D. H. H.
(3) According to Thomas White, Chief Clerk in the Adjutant-General's
Office at Lee's headquarters, General Lee had 33,000 infantry at
Sharpsburg, or 41,500 of all arms. Adding 2000 for the previous casualties
(only partly given), the total Confederate force on the 14th would appear
to be 43,500, of which 15,000 were at Harper's Ferry, on the Virginia
side, and 28,500 in Maryland.--- EDITORS.
shows what he would have done had he been in command of the Federal army.
But the American soldier preferred to do sure work rather than brilliant
work, his natural caution being increased by the carping criticisms of his
enemies.
Upon the fall of Garland, Colonel McRae, of the 5th North Carolina
regiment, assumed command, and ordered the two regiments on the left to
close in to the right. This order either was not received or it was found
to be impossible of execution. The main attack was on the 23d North
Carolina behind the stone-wall. The Federals had a plunging fire upon this
regiment from the crest of a hill, higher than the wall, and only about
fifty yards from it. The 12th North Carolina, a badly trained regiment, on
that day under the command of a young captain, deserted the field. (4) The
12th Ohio, actuated by a different impulse, made a charge upon Bondurant's
battery and drove it off, failing, however, to capture it. The 30th Ohio
advanced directly upon the stone-wall in their front, while a regiment
moved upon the 23d North Carolina on each flank. Some of the 30th Ohio
forced through a break in the wall, and bayonets and clubbed muskets were
used freely for a few moments. Garland's brigade, demoralized by his death
and by the furious assault on its center, now broke in confusion and
retreated behind the mountain, leaving some two hundred prisoners of the
5th, 23d, and 20th North Carolina in the hands of the enemy. The brigade
was too roughly handled to be of any further use that day. Rosser retired
in better order, not, however, without having some of his men captured,
and took up a position from which he could still fire upon the old road,
and which he held until 10 o'clock that night.
General Cox, having beaten the force in his front, now showed a
disposition to carry out General Pleasonton's instructions, and advance to
the Mountain House by the road running south from it on the summit of the
mountain. There was nothing to oppose him. My other three brigades had not
come up ; Colquitt"s could not be taken from the pike except in the last
extremity. So two guns were run down from the Mountain House and opened a
brisk fire on the advancing foe. A line of dismounted staff-officers,
couriers, teamsters, and cooks was formed behind the guns to give the
appearance of battery supports. I do not remember ever to have experienced
a feeling of greater loneliness. It seemed as though we were deserted by
"all the world and the rest of mankind." Some of the advancing Federals
encountered Colquitt's skirmishers under Captain Arnold, and fell back to
their former positions.
(4) Mr. R. V. Minor, of Oxford, North Carolina, a member of the 12th North
Carolina regiment, writes to the editors that on the morning of the 14th
of September his regiment numbered seventy- two men, and that they
advanced along the mountain crest until they were in the midst of enemies.
The commander, an inexperienced captain, then gave the order to "fire and
fall back." The order was obeyed, but the fire was returned so promptly,
at close range, that the withdrawal was attended with confusion. However,
"thirty or forty" members of the 12th regiment halted on the line of the
13th North Carolina, of their own (Garland's) brigade. Lieutenant-Colonel
T. Ruffin, Jr., commander of the 13th regiment, says in his report: " I
feel it to be just that I should acknowledge the fact that we were joined
by a small party of the 12th North Carolina regiment early in the morning,
who continued with us throughout the day and rendered us very efficient
aid."
General Cox seems not to have suspected that the defeat of Garland
had cleared his front of every foe. He says in his report: " The enemy
withdrew their battery to a new position on a ridge more to the front and
right, forming their infantry in support and moving columns toward both
our flanks."
It was more than half an hour after the utter rout and dispersion
of Garland's brigade when G. B. Anderson arrived at the head of his small
but fine body of men. (5) He made an effort to recover the ground lost by
Garland, but failed and met a serious repulse. General Cox says of this
attack: " The enemy made several attempts to retake the crest, advancing
with great obstinacy and boldness."
Under the strange illusion that there was a large Confederate
force on the mountain, the Federals withdrew to their first position in
the morning to await the arrival of the other three divisions of Reno's
corps. Willcox's arrived about noon, and Sturgis's and Rodman's between 3
and 4 o'clock, but there was no advance until 5 P. M. The falling back of
Cox's division is alluded to by Colonel Ewing of Scammon's brigade and by
Major Lyman J. Jackson of Crook's brigade. The former says: "We fell back
to the original position until the general advance at 5 P. M." Major
Jackson, after speaking of fighting the enemy behind a stone-wall With the
cooperation of two other regiments, adds: "We then fell back to the
hillside in the open fields, where we were out of reach of their guns, and
remained here with the rest of our brigade until an advance was made
against the enemy by the Pennsylvania and Rhode island troops on our
right."
After the arrival of his whole corps General Reno arranged his
line of battle as follows : Cox's division on the left, resting on the
batteries already in position ; Willcox's on the right, supported by the
division of Sturgis. Rodman's division was divided; Fairchild's brigade
was sent to the extreme left to support the batteries, and Harland's was
placed on the extreme right.
In the meantime Rodes and Ripley, of my division, reported to me
for orders. Rodes was sent With his brigade of twelve hundred men to a
commanding knoll north of onal road. Ripley was directed to attach himself
to G. B. Anderson's left. Anderson, being thus strengthened, and finding
there was no enemy in his immediate front, sent out the 2d and 4th North
Carolina regiments of his brigade on a reconnaissance to the front, right,
and rear. Captain E. A. Osborne, commanding the skirmishers of the 4th
North Carolina, discovered a brigade in an old field south of Fox's Gap,
facing toward the turnpike and supporting a battery With its guns turned
in the same direction. Captain Osborne hastened back to Colonel Grimes,
commanding the regiment, and told him that they could deliver a flank fire
upon the brigade before it could change its position to meet them. But a
Federal
(5) General Hill in his official report thus describes the posting of his
forces after the defeat of Garland: "There were two mountain roads
practicable for artillery on the right of the main turn- pike. The defense
of the farther one had cost Garland his life. It was now intrusted to
Colonel Rosser of the cavalry, who had reported to me, and who had
artillery and dismounted sharp- shooters. General Anderson was intrusted
with the care of the nearest and best road. Bondurant's battery was sent
to aid him in its defense. The brigade of Colquitt was disposed on each
side of the turnpike, and that with Lane's battery was judged adequate to
the task. There was, however, a solitary peak on the left, which, if
gained by the Yankees, would give them control of the ridge commanding the
turnpike. I had a large number of guns from Cutts's artillery placed upon
the hill . . . to sweep the approaches. . . Rodes and Ripley came up soon
after Anderson."--- EDITORS.
The fights of September 14th were so distinct as to time and
place, and the positions of the troops were so often changed. that any
single map would be misleading without analysis: (1) The early morning
fight was mostly on the south side of Fox's Gap, between Cox's two Union
brigades and Garland's brigade, the letter being assisted on its left by a
part of Colquitt's brigade which was at Turner's Gap. By 10 o'clock
Garland had been killed and his brigade routed. (2) Then Cox encountered
G. B. Anderson's arriving brigade, repulsed it. and fell back to his
position in the morning. (S) G. B. Anderson was then posted at Fox's Gap
on both sides of the old Sharps- burg road. D. H. Hill's two other
brigades came up toward noon, Ripley being joined to G. B. Anderson, and
Rodes being sent to occupy a hill on the north side of Turner's Gap, near
where Garnett is placed on the map. (4) About 2 o'clock, on the Union
side, Cox's division was reenforced by the arriving divisions of Willcox,
Sturgis, and Rodman: and Hooker's corps of three divisions was moving
north of the National road by way of Mount Tabor Church (Hooker's
headquarters) to flank the Confederate left. About the same time D. H.
Hill's brigades at Fox's Gap were reenforced by Longstreet's brigades of
G. T. Anderson, Drayton, Law, and Hood: and north of Turner's Gap three of
Rodes's four regiments were sent still farther to the left. The defense
was afterward strengthened by the posting of Longstreet's brigades of
Garnett and Kemper. supported by Jenkins, on the hill first held by Rodes.
Evans's brigade arrived later, and was of assistance to Rodes when the
latter had been thrown back by Meade's flank movement. (5) The last severe
engagements began at both gaps after 3 o'clock and lasted until after
dark. Colquitt and Gibbon, in the center, joined desperately in the
battle.--- EDITORS.
scout had seen the captain, and the brigade was the first to open fire.
The fight was, of course, brief, the regiment beating a hasty retreat. The
brigade halted at the edge of the woods' probably believing that there was
a concealed foe somewhere in the depths of the forest. This Federal
brigade was, possibly, Benjamin C. Christ's of Willcox's division ---the
same which had made the successful flank movement in the previous fight.
(6)
(6) This engagement is not mentioned by Cox, Willcox, or Christ. The Union
brigade was more probably that of Colonel H. S. Fairchild, Rodman's
division. ---EDITORS.
About 3: 30 P. M, the advance of Longstreet's command arrived and
reported to me---one brigade under Colonel G. T. Anderson and one under
General Drayton. They were attached to Ripley's left, and a forward
movement was ordered. In half an hour or more I received a note from
Ripley saying that he was progressing finely; so he was, to the rear of
the mountain on the west Side. Before he returned the fighting was over,
and his brigade did not fire a shot that day. (7) The Federal commander
intrusted to General Burnside the management of the fight, but under his
own eyes; Burnside ordered a general advance on both sides of the pike.
The First Corps, under Hooker, was to attack on the north side of the
National road, while the Ninth Corps, under Reno, was to move forward, as
before, on the south side. Hooker's corps consisted of 3 divisions, 10
brigades, or 42 regiments, With 10 batteries of artillery and a battalion
of cavalry. General Meade, a division commander, had under him the
brigades of Seymour, Magilton, and Gallagher, containing 13 regiments with
4 batteries attached. General Hatch, division commander, had under him the
brigades of Doubleday, Phelps, Patrick, and Gibbon---17 regiments and 4
batteries. General Ricketts, division com mander, had under him the
brigades of Duryea, Christian, and Hartsuff---12 regiments and 2
batteries. From the nature of the ground, none of the artillery of
Hooker's corps could be used, except that which went directly up the pike
with Gibbon's brigade and one battery (Cooper's) on the enemy's right.
The hour for the general advance is not specified in the reports.
Some of the Federal officers, as we have seen, speak of the general
advance at 5 P. M. General Sturgis says that he became engaged on the
south side of the pike at 3:30 P. M. General Meade, on the north side,
says that he moved toward the right at 2 P. M., (8) while General
Ricketts, who took part in the same movement, says that he did not arrive
at the foot of the mountain until 5 P. M. If General Mtaken as to the time
of his starting, he must have been long delayed in the thick woods through
which the first part of his march was made.
(7) In "The Century" magazine for December, 1886, page 308, was
printed a letter from William L. De Rosset, Colonel of the 3d North
Carolina regiment, in which, after stating that General Hill disclaims any
intention of reflecting on Ripley's brigade in this statement, the writer
says:"
"The facts are these: He [General Hill] correctly states Ripley's
maneuvers at Boonsboro, until we reached a position at the foot of the
mountain,--- on the west side,---when General Ripley said to me that we
were entirely cut off from the rest of the army, except G. B. Anderson's
brigade, which was on our right. and that he assumed the command of the
two brigades. directing me to take command of the three regiments (Colonel
Doles, with his 4th Georgia, having been detached and sent to a position
on fire north of the pike), and that he would remain near me, directing me
at the same time to advance slowly up the mountain with a strong line of
skirmishers in front. Upon reaching the summit, after toiling through the
dense undergrowth of laurel. Captain Thurston, in command of the skirmish
Line, reported troops in his front, a few minutes later confirming his
first impression that they were G. B. Anderson's brigade, presenting their
flank and advancing toward his left. This was promptly reported through my
adjutant to General Ripley. who directed me to withdraw to my original
position, which having been accomplished, I was directed to hold my then
position until further orders. After nightfall I moved forward, changing
front to the left, a short distance, to the support of General Drayton,
remaining there, without drawing trigger, until we took up the line of
march for Sharpsburg, about 10 to 12 at night. While, there- fore, we
accomplished nothing tangible, we were in position to do any duty for
which we might be called." EDITORS.
(8)This is the hour at which General Meade says he received the order
to move to the front, from the point where his division was halted beyond
Middletown, at Catoctin creek. Meade turned right, followed the old
Hagerstown road to Mount Tabor Church, and then formed line at the foot of
the mountain foe the climb. Cooper's battery opened fire at 3:30. Hatch
followed Meade, and Ricketts moved last.---EDITORS.
Here is probably the best place to explain the extraordinary
caution of the Federals, which seemed so mysterious to us on that 14th of
September. An order of General Lee, made while at Frederick, directing
Jackson to capture Harper's Ferry, and Longstreet and myself to go to
Boonsboro', had fallen into the hands of the Federals, and had been
carried to General McClellan. This order (known at the South as the Lost
Dispatch) was addressed to me, but I proved twenty years ago that it could
not have been lost through my neglect or carelessness. (9) The Federal
commander gained two facts from the order, one of which was needless and
the other misleading. He learned that Jack- son had gone to Harper's Ferry
--- a truth that he must have learned from his own scouts and spies and
the roar of artillery in his own ears: the cannonading could be distinctly
heard at Frederick, and it told that some one was beleaguering Harper's
Ferry. The misleading report was that Longstreet was at Boonsboro. (10)
The map of the battle-field of South Mountain, prepared in 1872, ten years
after the fight, by the United States Bureau of Engineers, represents ten
regiments and one battalion under Longstreet at the foot of the mountain
on the morning of the 14th of September, 1862. But Longstreet was then an
ordinary day's march from that point. In fact, after the removal of
Colquitt's brigade, about 7 A. M., there was not a Southern soldier at the
foot of the mountain until 3 P M., when Captain Park of the 12th Alabama
Regiment was sent there with forty men. General McClellan in his report
says: "It is believed that the force opposed to us at Turner's Gap
consisted of D. H. Hill's corps (fifteen thousand) and a part if not the
whole of Longstreet's, and perhaps a portion of Jackson's'--- probably
thirty thousand in all." (" Official Records," Volume XIX., Pt. I., p.
53.) The mistake of the Federal commander in regard to General Longstreet
was natural, since he was misled by the Lost Dispatch. But it seems
strange that the United States Engineers should repeat the blunder, with
the light of history thrown for ten years upon all the incidents of the
battle. It was incomprehense losing side that the men who charged us so
boldly and repulsed our attacks so successfully should let slip the fruits
of victory and fall back as though defeated. The prisoners taken were from
my division, but the victors seemed to think that Longstreet's men lay
hidden somewhere in the depths of those mysterious forests. Thus it was
that a thin line of men extending for miles along the crest of the
mountain could afford protection for so many hours to Lee's trains and
artillery and could delay the Federal advance until Longstreet's command
did come up, and, joining with mine, saved the two wings of the army from
being cut in two. But for the mistake about the position of our forces,
McClellan could have captured Lee's trains and artillery and interposed
between Jackson and Longstreet before noon on that 14th of September. The
losing of the dispatch was the saving of Lee's army.
(9)In a letter to the editors, dated February 24th, 1888, General Hill
says: "I went into Maryland under Jackson's command. I was under his
command when Lee's order was issued. It was proper that I should receive
that order through Jackson and not through Lee. I have now before me the
order received from Jackson.... My adjutant-general made affidavit, twenty
years ago, that no order was received at our office from General Lee. But
an order from Lee's office, directed to me, was lost and fell into
McClellan's hands. Did the courier lose it? Did Lee's own staff- officers
lose it? I do not know." .---EDITORS.
(10) "Special Orders No. 191," which was the "lost order," sent Longstreet
to Boonsboro'. It was afterward modified by General Lee so as to place
Longstreet at Hagerstown.--- EDITORS.
About 4 P. M. I saw what appeared to be two Federal brigades
emerge from the woods south of Colquitt's position and form in an open
field nearly at right angles to each other---one brigade facing toward the
pike, and the other facing the general direction of the mountain. This
inverted V-like formation was similar to that of the 1st Mississippi
Regiment at Buena Vista. If it was made anywhere else during the Civil
War, I never heard of it. The V afforded a fine target from the pike, and
I directed Captain Lane to open on it With his battery. His firing was
Wild' not a shot hitting the mark. The heavy batteries promptly replied,
showing such excellent practice that Lane's guns were soon silenced. A
small force in the edge of the woods on the west side of the old field
opened fire upon the V. The Federals changed their formation, and,
advancing in line of battle, brushed away their assailants and plunged
into the woods, when heavy firing began which lasted possibly half an
hour.
I suppose that the Federal force which I saw was the division of
General Sturgis, (11) and that he left behind Harland's brigade of
Rodman's division to guard his flank in his advance, since Harland reports
that he had no casualties. General Sturgis claims that he swept everything
before him. So do his comrades who fought on his left. On the other hand,
General Hood, who came up a short time before this advance, with the
brigades of Wofford and Law, claims that he checked and drove back the
Federals. G. T. Anderson reports that only his skirmishers were engaged.
The surviving officers under G. B. Anderson (who was killed at Sharpsburg,
and left no report) say that the same thing was true of their brigade in
the afternoon. Ripley's brigade was not engaged at all. About dusk the 2d
and 13th North Carolina Regiments attacked Fairchild's brigade and the
batteries protected by it on the extreme Federal left, and were repulsed
disastrously. Generals Burnside and Willcox say that the fight was
continued until 10 o'clock at night, then, in thinking that he had driven
back the Federal advance. The opposing lines were close together at
nightfall, and the firing between the skirmishers was kept up till a late
hour. Equally erroneous is the claim that any Confederates were driven
except Drayton's small brigade. We held the crests of the mountain, on the
National road and the old Sharpsburg road, until Lee's order for
withdrawal was given. General Reno, the Federal corps commander on our
right, was killed at 7 P. M., in Wise's field, where the fight began at 9
o'clock in the morning. But on our left a commanding hill was lost before
night. Batteries placed upon it next morning, acting in concert With the
heavy batteries placed on our right by General Pleasonton before we were
aware of his presence, would have made any position untenable on the pike
or the crest of the mountain. I made that statement to General Lee about 9
P. M., when he consulted with Longstreet and myself in regard to renewing
the fight the next morning. Longstreet concurred in this view, remarking
that I knew the ground and the situation better than he did.
(11) Probably Willcox's division, with its right, refused to avoid the
enfilading fire from the batteries on the mountain.--- EDITORS.
General Hooker detached Gibbon's brigade, consisting of three
Wisconsin regiments and one Indiana regiment, from Hatch's division, and
directed it to move directly up the pike with a section of artillery. Then
the divisions of Meade and Hatch were formed on the north side of the
pike, With the division of Ricketts in supporting distance in rear. A belt
of woods had to be passed through, and then it was open field all the way
to the summit, and the two detached peaks were in full view upon which the
devoted little band of Rodes was posted--- the 12th Alabama Regiment on
one, and the 3d 5th, 6th, and 26th Alabama regiments on the other. Under
the illusion that there were ten regiments and one battalion of
Longstreet's command in those woods, the progress through them was slow,
but, when once cleared, the advance was steady and made almost with the
precision of movement of a parade day. Captain Robert E. Park, of Macon,
Georgia, who commanded the forty skirmishers in the woods, thinks that he
delayed the Federal advance for a long time.(12)
It is not more improbable that a few active skirmishers north of
the pike should prove an obstacle to progress through the forest there,
than that a
(12) Captain Park writes:
"After passing through Boonsboro', en routs to the scene of
action, we met the dead body of the gallant General Garland, when an order
from General D. H. Hill, through General R. E. Rodes, to Colonel B. B.
Gayle of the 12th Alabama, directed that skirmishers should be deployed in
front. Colonel Gayle hurriedly ordered captains of companies to send four
men each to the front to report to Lieutenant R. E. Park as sharpshooters,
and I promptly reported for orders : was directed to carry my squad of
forty men to the foot of South Mountain, 'and keep the enemy back as long
as possible.' I hastily deployed the men, and we moved down the
mountain-side. On our way down we could see the enemy, in two lines of
battle, in the valley below, advancing, preceded only a few steps by their
dense line of skirmishers. I concealed my men behind trees, rocks, and
bushes, and cautioned them to aim well before firing. We awaited with
beating hearts the sure and steady approach of the 'Pennsylvania Bucktails,'
who were directly in my front, and soon near enough to fire upon. I gave
the command, 'Fire,' and forty guns were almost simultaneously emptied
with deadly effect, and the surviving skirmishers rushed back pell-mell to
their main line, disordering it greatly. The solid, well-drilled Line soon
rallied, and advanced steadily forward, and my small party, as soon as
they were near enough, fired again, and nearly every bullet did fatal
work. At least thirty men must have been killed or wounded at the second
fire, and perhaps more at the first. Though checked for some minutes, the
enemy again advanced, their officers earnestly exhorting them with 'close
up' and 'forward.' I directed my men to fall back slowly, and to fire from
everything which would screen them from observation. I had lost only four
men wounded up to this time, but six or eight more became demoralized and,
despite my commands, entreaties, and threats, left me and hastily fled to
the rear. With the brave squad which remaid slowly, firing as rapidly as
we could load, and doing fatal work with every step. The advance was very
slow and cautious. It was about 5 o'clock when we had opened fire at the
foot of the mountain, and now the sun was rapidly setting. Corporal Myers,
of Mobile, at my request, aimed at and shot an exposed officer, receiving
himself a terrible wound as he did so. I raised him tenderly, gave him
water, and reluctantly was about to abandon him to his fate, when a dozen
muskets were pointed at me, and I was ordered to surrender. There was a
deep ravine to our left, and the ad Alabama skirmishers having fallen
back, the Federals had got in my rear, and at the same time had closed
upon me in front. If I bad not stopped with Myers I might have escaped
capture, but I was mortified and humiliated by the necessity of yielding
myself a prisoner. Certain death was the only alternative. The enemy
pushed forward after my capture, and carne upon Colonel Gayle and the rear
support. Colonel Gayle was ordered to surrender, but, drawing his pistol
and firing it in their faces, he exclaimed: 'We are flanked, boys, but
let's die in our tracks.' and continued to fire until he was literally
riddled by bullets.
"I was accompanied to the rear by three Federal soldiers, and
could but notice, as I walked down the mountain, the great execution done
by my little squad as shown by the dead and wounded lying all along the
route. At the foot of the mountain ambulances were being loaded. From what
I saw and gathered from my captors, my little party committed fearful
havoc, and the Federals imagined that several divisions of Lee's army
confronted them.... I was carried before some prominent officer (have
heard it was General Hatch), who questioned me about my regiment, brigade,
division, number of troops, etc. The information I gave could not have
benefitted him much." D. H. H.
division on the south side should hesitate to penetrate a forest from
which their foes had been completely driven. The success of the Federals
on the north side was due to the fact that after getting through the belt
of woods at the foot of the mountain, they saw exactly what was before
them. The lack of complete success south of the pike was owing to the
thick woods on that side, which were supposed to be full of hidden
enemies. In the battle of South Mountain the imaginary foes of the Lost
Dispatch were worth more to us than ten thousand men.
The advance of Hatch's division in three lines, a brigade in each'
was as grand and imposing as that of Meade's division. Hatch's general and
field officers were on horseback, his colors were all flying, and the
alignment of his men seemed to be perfectly preserved. General Hooker,
looking at the steady and precise movement from the foot of the mountain,
describes it as a beautiful sight. From the top of the mountain the sight
was grand and sublime, but the elements of the pretty and the picturesque
did not enter into it. Doubtless the Hebrew poet whose idea of the
awe-inspiring is expressed by the phrase, "terrible as an army with
banners," had his view of the enemy from the top of a mountain.
There was not a single Confederate soldier to oppose the advance
of General Hatch. I got some guns from the reserve artillery of Colonel
Cutts to fire at the three lines; but owing to the little practice of the
gunners and to the large angles of depression, the cannonade was as
harmless as blank-cartridge salutes in honor of a militia general. While
these ineffective missiles were flying, which the enemy did not honor by
so much as a dodge, Longstreet came up in person with three small
brigades, and assumed direction of affairs. He sent the brigade of Evans
under Colonel Stevens to the aid of Rodes's men, sorely pressed and
well-nigh exhausted. The brigade of Pickett (under Garnett) and that of
Kemper were hurried forward to meet and check Hatch, advancing, hitherto,
without opposition.
General Meade had moved the brigade of Seymour to the right to
take Rodes's position in reverse, while the brigades of Magilton and
Gallagher went straight to the front. Meade was one of our most dreaded
foes; he was always in deadly earnest, and he eschewed all trifling. He
had under him brigade commanders, officers, and soldiers worthy of his
leadership. In his onward sweep the peak upon which the 12th Alabama was
posted was passed, the gallant Colonel Gayle was killed, and his regiment
was routed and dispersed. The four other regiments of Rodes made such
heroic resistance that Meade, believing his division about to be flanked,
sent for and obtained Duryea's brigade of Ricketts's division. It was
pitiable to see the gallant but hopeless struggle of those Alabamians
against such mighty odds. Rodes claimed to have fought for three hours
without support; but an over-estimate of time under such circumstances is
usual and natural. He lost 61 killed, 157 wounded, and 204 missing
(captured), or more than one-third of his brigade. His supports [Evans's
brigade] fought gallantly and saved him from being entirely surrounded,
but they got on the ground too late to effect anything else. Evans's
brigade under Stevens had been wasted by two campaigns and was small when
it left Hagerstown that morning, and many had fallen out on the hot and
dusty forced march. Of the four regiments in the brigade, we find in
Volume XIX. of the " Official Records " only the report of one, the 17th
South Carolina regiment under Colonel McMaster. That says that 141 men
entered the fight on South Mountain, and of these 7 are reported killed,
37 wounded, and 17 missing (captured). Colonel McMaster writes to me that
his was the largest regiment in the brigade; so the brigade must have been
about 550 strong. General Meade says in his report that he lost 397 men,
or ten per cent. of his division. As he received the support of Duryea
before or about the time that Rodes got the aid of Stevens, he fought
Rodes with the advantage all the while of three to one.
When Ripley came up as before described, the pressure was all at
Fox's Gap, He was sent in there and his brigade was uselessly employed by
him in marching and counter-marching. Had it been sent to strengthen Rodes
the key of the position might not have been lost. But the vainest of all
speculations and regrets are about "the might have been."
Meade encamped that night on the commanding eminence which he had
won.
The strength of the two brigades sent to check General Hatch did
not exceed eight hundred men, as I will show presently. They must have
performed prodigies of valor, and their praises can best be spoken in the
words of their enemies. General Patrick, commanding the leading Federal
brigade, tells of a race between his men and a strong force of the enemy
for the possession of a fence. Patrick won the race and delivered his fire
from the fence, picking off the cannoneers at some of our guns, General
Hatch was wounded at this fence, and the command devolved on General
Doubleday. The latter speaks of lying down behind the fence and allowing
the enemy to charge up to within fifteen paces, whereupon he opened a
deadly fire. Colonel Wainwright, who succeeded Doubleday in command of his
brigade, was also wounded here, and Colonel Hofmann asked command of it.
Colonel Hofmann tells us that the ammunition of the brigade was just
giving out when Ricketts relieved Doubleday. Several of the reports speak
of the "superior force of the enemy." General Rickett's says that "he
relieved Doubleday hard-pressed and nearly out of ammunition." Before
Ricketts came in person with Hartsuff's brigade, he had sent Christian's
brigade to the assistance of Doubleday. The brigades of Kemper and Pickett
(the latter under Garnett) just have fought valiantly, else such results
could not have been achieved. General Doubleday's report contains this
curious story: "I learned from a wounded prisoner that we were engaged
with four to five thousand under the immediate command of General Pickett,
with heavy masses in their vicinity. He stated also that Longstreet in
vain tried to rally the men, calling them his pets and using every effort
to induce them to renew the attack." Of course, the old rebel knew that
Pickett was not there in person and that there were no heavy masses in the
vicinity. The astonishing thing is that General Doubleday should believe
that there were 4000 or 5000 men before him under the immediate command of
Pickett. But Doubleday's belief of the story is a tribute to the
efficiency of the 800 men who fought a division of 3500 men (the number
reported by Hatch after Gibbon had been detached), and fought it so
vigorously that two brigades were sent to its assistance.
Jenkins's brigade, under Walker, came up at dusk, too late to be
in the fight; but it went in on the right of Garnett and took part in the
irregular firing which was kept up till a late hour. Colonel Walker's
report shows a loss of 3 killed and 29 wounded, which proves that he was
but slightly engaged. The tired men of both sides lay down at last to rest
within a hundred yards of each other. But now Gibbon was putting in
earnest work on the pike. He had a choice brigade, strong in numbers and
strong in the pluck of his men, all from the North-west, where habitually
good fighters are reared. He had pushed forward cautiously in the
afternoon with the 7th Wisconsin regiment, followed by the 6th on the
north side of the pike and the 19th Indiana, supported by the 2d
Wisconsin, on the south side. The ten imaginary regiments of the Lost d
his progress through the woods; and at one time, believing that the 7th
Wisconsin was about to be turned on its right flank, he sent the 6th to
its assistance. There were only a few skirmishers on his right, but the
Lost Dispatch made him believe otherwise. About 9 P. M. the stone-wall was
reached, and several gallant efforts were made in vain to carry it. When
each repulse was followed by the "rebel" yells, the young men on my staff
would cry out: "Hurrah for Georgia! Georgia is having a free fight." The
Western men had met in the 23d and 28th Georgia regiments men as brave as
themselves and far more advantageously posted. Colonel Bragg, of the 6th
Wisconsin, says in his report: "We sat down in the dark to wait another
attack, but the enemy was no more seen." At midnight Gorman's brigade of
Sumner's corps relieved Gibbon's.
General Gibbon reports officially 318 men killed and wounded---a
loss sustained almost entirely, I think, at the stone-wall. The colonel of
the 7th Wisconsin reports a loss of 147 men in killed and wounded out of
375 muskets carried into action. This shows that he had brave men and that
he encountered brave men. From his report we infer that Gibbon had fifteen
hundred men. On our side Colquitt had 1100 men, and lost less than 100,
owing to the admirable position in which he had been placed.
And now in regard to the numbers engaged. Longstreet sent to my
aid 8 brigades,---5 belonging to the division of D. R. Jones, consisting
of the brigades of Drayton, Pickett, Jenkins, G. T. Anderson, and Kemper;
and 3 belonging to an extemporized division of N. G. Evans, including the
brigades of Evans, Hood, and Law. On page 886, Part I., Volume XIX. of the
"Official Records,' Jones says that after Toombs joined him from
Hagerstown, his 6 brigades numbered at Sharpsburg 2430 men; i. e., an
average of 405 men to each brigade. Now all Longstreet's officers and men
know that the ranks were fuller at Sharpsburg than at South Mountain,
because there were more stragglers in the forced march from Hagerstown to
the battle-field of the 14th of September than there were casualties in
the battle. (13) The above average would give 810 as the number of men in
the two brigades which confronted the division of Hatch aided by two
brigades from Ricketts. But it is well known that the Virginia brigades
were unusually small, because of the heavy draughts upon them for cavalry,
artillery, and local service. Between pages 894 and 902, Volume XIX., we
have the strength at South Mountain of four of the five regiments of
Pickett's brigade given officially,---the 19th Regiment, 150 men; 18th
Regiment, 120 men; 56th Regiment, 80 men; 8th Regiment, 34 men. The
strength of the other regiment, the 28th, is not given; but, assuming that
it was 96, the average of the other four regiments, we have 480 as the
number of men in Pickett's brigade at South Mountain. But the report of
the colonel of the 56th shows that he was turned off with his 80 muskets,
and did not go in with his brigade; so that Garnett had in the battle but
400 of Pickett's men. From Kemper's brigade we have but one report giving
the strength of a regiment, and that comes from Colonel Corse of the 17th
Virginia. He says that at She officers and 49 privates in his regiment. A
calculation based upon this report would show that Kemper's brigade was
smaller than Pickett's.
On page 907 we have the only report from Jenkins's brigade which
gives any intimation of its strength. There the 1st South Carolina
regiment is said to have 106 men at Sharpsburg. It is possible the five
regiments of this brigade numbered 530 in that battle. It is true that it
was considerably larger at Sharpsburg than at South Mountain, because the
stragglers from the Hagerstown march much more than made up for the small
loss (32) in the battle of the 14th. But with due allowance for that gain,
the brigade must have been 450 strong at South Mountain. It is evident,
then, that Kemper's brigade fell below 400 at South Mountain; otherwise,
the brigade average in Jones's division would have exceeded 406.
Longstreet thinks that he had four thousand men at South Mountain.
His estimate is too high, according to the records as I find them.
Accepting
(13) In his official report General Hill, after stating his force on the
morning of the 14th as " less than 5000 men," says: "My ranks had been
diminished by some additional straggling. and the morning of the 17th [Antietam]
I lad but 3000 infantry." Adding to this number General Hill's losses on
September 14th at Fox's and Turner's Gaps, and we have 3934 as his
strength in the battle of South Mountain, without counting these
additional stragglers.---EDITORS.
his numbers, I would place 2200 at Fox's Gap and 1800 north of Turner's
Gap. Colquitt fought mainly and Rodes entirely with Hooker's corps. Adding
the 2200 men of these two brigades to Longstreet's 1800, we have 4000 as
the number opposed to Hooker. (14)
General McClellan puts the strength of the two attacking corps at
thirty thousand. His figures are substantially corroborated by the reports
of his subordinates, ---division, brigade, and regimental commanders. They
indicate, moreover, that there had been great straggling in the Federal
army, as well as in our own. On p.97, General Ingalls, chief
quartermaster, reports, October 1st, 1862, means of transportation for
13,707 men in the First Corps; for 12,860 men in the Ninth Corps... and
for 127,818 men in the entire Army of the Potomac.(15) This was after the
wastage of the two battles (14th and 17th of September, reported on pge
204 as amounting to 15,203.
(14) According to the estimate of Mr. Thomas White, chief clerk of the
adjutant-general's office at General Lee's headquarters, who had charge of
the field returns during the war, the effective strength of the
Confederate forces at South Mountain, or Boonsboro', was: Longstreet,
8000; D. H. Hill, 7000,---total, 15,000. According to Colonel W. H..
Taylor, adjutant-general of the Army of Northern Virginia, Hill had " less
than 5000 "; 6 brigades of Longstreet engaged numbered 4900,--- total,
9900 (with 2 of Longstreet's brigades not engaged and not included).. In
his official report, General D. H.. Hill says "the division numbered less
than 5000 men on the morning of September 14th"; of his 5 brigades,
Rodes's is stated to have numbered 1200, and Garland's " scarce 1000 men."
The Union returns quoted show the whole number of officers and men of all
arms present for duty without deduction. If to the strength of the First
and Ninth Corps on the 20th of September we add the previous losses, these
numbers will show as follows: First Corps, 15,750; Ninth Corps, 13,972.
Deduct one-fifth, 5944, for non- effectives,---total available Union
force, 23,778. Total available Confederate force, according to Mr. White,
5,000; according to Colonel Taylor, 9900, plus the two reserve brigades of
Longstreet, whose strength he does not give.--- EDITORS.
(15) The return of the Army of the Potomac for September 30th shows a
total present for duty of 98,774 officers and men, including 5714 cavalry
and headquarters guard. General Ingalls's statement, partly estimated as
shown on its face (he counts cavalry 7000, it being actually 4543), is
obviously in error in the figures, 30,926, set down for the Fifth Corps,
which the return slows to have had 17,268 for duty, and 31,688 present and
absent.---EDITORS.
General Hooker was well pleased with the his report: "When the
advantages of the enemy's position are considered, and his preponderating
numbers, the forcing of the passage of South Mountain will be classed
among the most brilliant and satisfactory achievements of this army, and
its principal glory will be awarded to the First Corps." Undoubtedly that
corps had gained important positions, but it is difficult to see how 4000
men could preponderate in numbers over 13,707. Hooker's division and
brigade commanders, who had been well up under musketry fire, do not speak
in such glowing terms of the victory. The reports of the stubborn fighters
in the Federal army on both sides of the pike are models of modest
propriety. This is especially so With those who bore the heat and burden
of the day,--- Meade, Hatch, Cox, Willcox, Scammon, Crook, Gibbon, Ewing,
Gallagher, Magilton, Phelps, White, Jackson, Callis, Bragg, and others.
In regard to the casualties of the opposing forces, the losses in
wounded were greater on the Federal side than on the Confederate, because
the one thin line of the latter fired at the dense masses of the former,
sometimes in two lines, and sometimes in three. But from their weakness
the Confederates took no prisoners, while they lost over four hundred
within the enveloping ranks of their enemies. The revised statement of
Federal losses in Volume XIX, gives the casualties in the First Corps as
923; of the Ninth Corps as 889,---total 1812, infantry and artillery; and
to this number is added one cavalryman, how killed is not explained.
I lost two Brigadiers and a large number of regimental commanders
within three days, so that my division reports are very meager. Of the
five brigades, there is a statistical report from that of Rodes alone. By
means of a very extensive correspondence I have ascertained the casualties
as nearly as they can be reached at this late day:
Killed and
Wounded Missing
Rodes....................................................... 218 204
Colquitt.................................................... 92 7
Garland.................................................... 100 200
Anderson................................................. 84 29
Riply........................................................ 0 0
494 440
Longstreet's loss must have been less than mine, as he had but
four small brigades seriously engaged, Walker reports only thirty-two
casualties in Jenkins's brigade; G. T. Anderson had none. Hood speaks
lightly of the fight of the two brigades under him. The exact losses can,
however, never be known.
In the foregoing table reference is had to prisoners taken in the
battle. Some of our wearied men slipped off in the woods to sleep, and
were not aroused when the orders came to fall back. Colonel Parker of the
30th North Carolina regiment, a brave and efficient officer, writes to me
that he could hardly keep his men awake even when the deadly missiles were
flying among them. This is in confirmation of what General Hood, in charge
of the rear-guard, told me when I passed him after daylight on the 15th.
He said that he found it difficult to arouse and push on the tired men,
who had fallen out by the wayside to get a few minutes' sleep.
If the battle of South Mountain was fought to prevent the advance
of McClellan, it was a failure on the part of the Confederates. If it was
fought to save Lee's trains and artillery, and to reunite his scattered
forces, it was a Confederate success. The former view was taken by the
President of the United States, for he telegraphed to General McClellan on
the 15th of September: "God bless you and all with you. Destroy the rebel
army, if possible."
But, from whatever standpoint it may be looked at, the battle of
South Mountain must be of interest to the military reader as showing the
effect of a hallucination in enabling 9000 men to hold 30,000 at bay for
so many hours, in robbing victory of its fruits, and in inspiring the
victors with such caution that a simple ruse turned them back in their
triumphal career. Every battle-field of the Civil War beheld the deadly
conflict of former friends with each other. South Mountain may be taken as
a specimen of this unnatural and horrible state of things. The last time I
ever saw Generals McClellan and Reno was in 1848, at the table of General
G. W. Smith, in the city of Mexico. Generals Meade and Scammon had both
been instructors while I was at West Point. Colonel Magilton, commanding a
brigade in Meade's division, had been a lieutenant in my company in the
Mexican war. General John Gibbon (whose brigade pressed up the pike on the
14th of September) and his brother Lardner had been "best men" at my
wedding. They were from North Carolina; one brother took the Northern
side, while the other took the Southern.
There is another view of the picture, however. If we had to be
beaten it was better to be beaten by former friends. Every true soldier
loves to have "a foeman worthy of his steel." Every true man likes to
attribute high qualities to those who were once friends, though now
alienated for a time. The temporary estrangement cannot obliterate the
recollection of noble traits of character. Some one attempted to condole
With Tom Yearwood, a famous old South Carolina bully, upon the beating
given him by his own son. "Hush up," said old Tom. "I am glad that no one
but my own flesh and blood had a hand in my drubbing."
The sons of the South struck her many heavy blows. Farragut, of
Tennessee, rose, as a reward of merit, to the highest rank in the Federal
navy. A large number of his associates were from the South. In the Federal
army there were of Southern blood and lineage Generals Thomas, Sykes,
Reno,
Newton, J. J. Reynolds, Canby, Ord, Brannan, William Nelson,
Crittenden, Blair, R. W. Johnson, T. J. Wood, N. B. Buford, Terrill,
Graham, Davidson' Cooke, Alexander, Getty, French, Frémont, Pope, Hunter.
Some of these doubtless served the South better by the side they took;
most of them were fine, and some superb, officers.
Moreover, the South had three hundred thousand of her sons in the
Federal army in subordinate capacities. (16) Her armies surrendered when a
Southern-born President and a Southern-born Vice-President were at the
head of the United States Government. That the wounds of defeat and
humiliation have been so soon healed has been owing largely to this balm
to mortified pride. The sting of shame to Frenchmen is that their
magnificent capital was captured by, and their splendid armies were
surrendered to, soldiers of an alien race and religion. On the other hand,
the civil wars in England have left no bitter memories behind them.
Compare this forgetfulness of civil strife in England With the bitterness
which Ireland still feels over her subjugation; compare it with the fact
that the Roman occupation of England for five hundred years made no
impression upon the language of the natives, so little intercourse was
there between them and their conquerors; compare it with the fact that for
four hundred years after the Norman conquest there was no fusion between
the Norman and Saxon tongues. In truth, all history teaches that the
humiliation of defeat by a foreign foe is felt for ages, while that of
defeat by the same race is temporary and soon forgotten. The late Civil
War was relieved of very much of its sectional character by the presence
of so many Southerners in the Union armies. Therefore, it will be in the
United States as in all the unsectional civil wars of the world's history
in which race and religion were not involved,---the waves of oblivion will
roll over the bitter recollections of the strife. But we trust that
fragrant forever will be the memory of deeds of heroism, patriotism, and
constancy to principle, whether those deeds were performed by the wearers
of the blue or of the gray.
(16) According to a printed statement dated at the Adjutant-General's
Office, Washington, November 9th, 1880," the slave-holding States
furnished troops to the Union army as follows: Delaware, 12,284; Maryland,
46,638 ; West Virginia, 32,068; District of Columbia, 16,534; Missouri,
109,111; Kentucky, 75,760; Tennessee, 31,092; Arkansas, 8289; North
Carolina, 3156; Alabama, 2576; Florida, 1290; Louisiana, 5224;
Mississippi, 545; Texas, 1965,--total, 346,532. This arm includes colored
troops, but their number is not stated. The territory in actual rebellion
also furnished 99,337 colored soldiers, recruited at various stations and
not accredited to States. The so-called Northern, or free, States
furnished to the Union army 2,419,159 men.---EDITORS.
Source: Battle and Leaders of the Civil War. |